Image source, AFP via Getty ImagesByFaisal IslamEconomics editor- Published18 minutes ago
"True to the motto of this city, I am going to do things differently," Andy Burnham declared, a reference to the film 24 Hour Party People.
His speech in Manchester did indeed show a rather different way of seeing and running the UK.
The departing Greater Manchester mayor presented a diagnosis of what has caused economic malaise, rooted in his own experiences running the city and when he was previously in Cabinet.
At its heart it is a critique of an unresponsive British state, adept at arguing with itself, rather than achieving real change and rebuilding the country.
His solutions were ambitious, and mostly rather general, taking power from the centre and giving it to regions and cities, as occurs routinely in other advanced countries.
Burnham tells a story of his time as chief secretary to the Treasury, two decades ago, wishing to build a northern equivalent to London's Crossrail, but being told it would not pass the Treasury cost benefit equation.
His speech today was not a detailed plan for the economy, with assessments of appropriate levels of tax, spend, investment and infrastructure and strategies for trade, AI and Europe.
Perhaps that is partly because this is still officially a Labour leadership campaign. It rather appears that he is trying to keep as much powder dry as possible on the precise trade-offs, for as long as possible.
There was general policy direction on changes to business rates, housebuilding, technical education, and infrastructure. The upbeat and optimistic tone was also notable.
In two specific areas Burnham appeared to want to communicate a capacity for being prudent on spending and borrowing. He confirmed he will stick to existing borrowing rules, and also backed the Milburn Review into young people's employment outcomes, which could lead to welfare savings.
These are two parts of what has been described to me as a broad five-part plan. Devolution, and industrial policy are two other legs. The remaining part was referred to by Burnham as quicker help on the cost of living.
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How does this all square with sticking to the 2024 manifesto not to raise the major taxes and the fiscal rules?
Some of these changes will surely require extra spending. Perhaps devolution of decision-making will also require diverting actual capital spending, from the south east, to northern powerhouse rail.
In Europe this agenda normally means extra borrowing powers for regions to invest in their infrastructure. Can that be squared with keeping to existing borrowing rules?
There are many other questions about the detail, which may or may not get answered in the next three weeks. Here are just two:
Is Burnham fully backing potential tough policy choices on welfare spending which could emerge from the Milburn report? What does the "Makerfield Test" mean for the Brexit reset discussions on access to the single market?
The announcement on who will be chancellor will wait for three weeks too, with no decision made so far. The markets seem relaxed, much to the private satisfaction of some Burnham advisers.
A sense of direction, confidence and optimism, alongside promises of prudence, can go some distance. But even famous Mancunian swagger can only get you so far.
